The first Isolation Hospital, known then as the pest house, in Vancouver was just a shack on the Inlet near where B.C. Sugar refinery would soon be built. However, when smallpox — “the loathsome disease” — struck in 1892, the shack was quickly abandoned, and infectious disease victims were shuffled off to a temporary camp on Deadman’s Island.i
Sam Greer’s daughter would later describe the coming of the plague:
“It was supposed to have come in by the “Empresses” from the Orient, for hardly anyone who had anything to do with the Empress of China, Empress of India, or Empress of Japan, the C.P.R.’s first yacht-like liners, escaped it. It was a terrible July; yellow flags were everywhere; no one who went through it will forget the scare we got. Houses were quarantined back and front—there was no getting out of them; people were quarantined all over the city. We lived on Nelson Street—I was Miss Greer then—Nelson Street was very sparsely settled, so was Robson Street, but there were cases on Robson Street. One young man, I recall, decided to help Mr. Hanna, the undertaker, contracted the disease and died. It was the custom to put those stricken in an express wagon, and with the driver ringing a bell to keep people away, warning them, the load of sick, frequently girls from Dupont Street, who had been visited by the sailors from the Empresses, would be driven down to the dock, and taken by boat to Deadman’s Island, some said, ‘well named for such an undertaking.’”ii
The use of Deadman’s Island was a decision made to deal with a medical emergency, but was done without the approval of the Provincial government who controlled the property and was to cause endless legal and financial difficulties in the future. The need to build a permanent isolation facility in or near the city was recognized almost from the beginning. The Vancouver Daily World was editorializing the need in May of that year. By June, W.A. Cum Yow had asked for a grant on which to put a Chinese isolation hospital, and the Board of Health had even written to financier E.J. Clark to ask whether he would allow his recent donation of parkland east of False Creek to be used for the purpose.iii
Later that month, Mayor Cope, Dr. McGuigan, and others made a quick tour of the city to see if they could locate a suitable place. Not finding one, a delegation of Aldermen Odlum, McGuigan, and Collins traveled to Victoria to seek the assistance of the senior government. However, the Chief Commissioner of Lands & Works, F.G. Vernon, “pooh-poohed” their fears, called them “alarmists,” and could not understand the need for an isolation hospital. A few days later W.S. Gore, Deputy Commissioner of Lands & Works wrote to Council stating clearly that “the providing of an IH for the Chinese was a matter for the municipality to deal with.”iv
At a “hurriedly called meeting,” members of Vancouver City Council met on the evening of 8th July and a site for an isolation hospital agreed. At a later hearing, Ald. Anderson described the the meeting, The refusal of the Provincial government to offer a site, combined with the threat of an injunction if they put any more cases on Deadman’s Island, created an urgency as reported by the Vancouver Daily World a few months later:
“A meeting was held in Dr. McGuigan’s office. [Anderson] went down to it with Ald, Scoullar. When he got there he was asked if he knew of any site that could be secured. He had had a letter from a party in Nelson that day offering to sell a two-thirds interest in a lot in a suitable place for a hospital. The other third was owned in the city and the owner could be easily got at. The committee went out and looked at the property and purchased it for $3,800, being $60 more than its assessed value. Across the street, in [D/L] 184, lots of the same size could not be got for less than $6,000. It had been said that he had owned a third interest in the property and had got $1,000 out of the transaction. Both of these statements were untrue … He considered that the city had made a good bargain and that when they got power to take the hospital outside the city limits they could get a good price for the present site.” Ald. Scoullar concurred with all these remarks.”
At a pubic meeting in the following January, the Councillors were questioned as to why they spent $3,800 when neighbouring blocks could be had for $2,500. Ald. Anderson denied that blocks could be had so cheaply, and Ald. McGuigan noted that “when the smallpox came money was no object. He did not apologize for anything that had been done – the quicker the better was the ruling principle.”v
The Block they purchased was bounded by what would become Lakewood Drive and Garden Drive, between Turner and Harris (later E. Georgia) Street.
This portion of Goad’s map shows the site surrounded by a scattering of houses in 1912. But twenty years earlier, when the block was purchased by the city, it was deep in the stumps and woodlands of Grandview’s hills. This very remoteness hampered the contruction, as did a quarantine order against Bow’s sawmill, the supplier of the lumber. But by the end of July, the hospital building was ready enough for a painter to be hired. A few weeks later, Council instructed the City Engineer to put up two additional buildings on the site: one for the suspect station, and the other for a kitchen and the nurses’ quarters. They purchased hair mattresses from a dealer on Hastings and, as the site was a long way from any piped water supply, they ordered “a good well” to be dug.vi
That summer, the attitude of the Provincial government to the smallpox epidemic had changed: they took whole pages in the newspapers to publicize new regulations for dealing with communicable diseases. Ald. Odlum and Scoullar took advantage of the change in views to urge on the government in Victoria the necessity of having 10 acres of land outside the city set aside for a regional Isolation Hospital.vii
The outbreak of smallpox seemed to be over, or at last under control, by October when Health Inspector Joseph Huntley reported to Vancouver City Council. He noted the new Isolation Hosital was furnished and ready for use. They had on hand 10 tents, a horse, harness and a wagon. The costs of isolation to that time amounted to $13,909.87, of which $3,675 was for medical attendance and nursing, $437.97 for drugs and disinfectants, another $5,665.75 for hired help, and the balance for transportation and general supplies. Huntley reported that the City was “entirely free from smallpox”. However, just a few weeks later, nurses were hired to look after two smallpox patients. They were probably Alex McLean and T. Foremen who in December were sentenced in Vancouver Magistrates Court to one month’s imprisonment for breaking quarantine from the IH. The Magistrate said they “had done a very dangerous thing” but he was being lenient. viii
Over the winter of 1892/93 a number of changes were put into effect. It was finally agreed to lay a water pipe to the site “as soon as possible,” along with a telephone connection, and Philip Kelley was hired as permanent caretaker at a salary of $45 a month. It was also agreed to pay Dr. Harrison Thomas $5 per visit to the hospital along with his transportation to the site.ix
In April 1893, one of the hospital’s guards, R. Campbell, gave a detailed statement to the press about Dr. Thomas’s laissez-faire attitude to infection, and the danger it caused the staff. It is worth quoting at length:
“On February 23rd, Dr. Thomas came to the hospital with patient Peters. He came into the guardhouse after Peters went into the hospital, and vaccinated two of the suspects. He left the hospital in the same wagon as the coloured man who was engaged to bring in the patients and to bury the dead. The doctor and the coloured man sat on the same seat. He made no change of clothing and did not even wash.
The doctor attended Peters every day until the next patient came in. Four times he left his big overcoat in the gurney, and went among the patients in his ordinary cothes. Then, when leaving, he put his overcoat on over the clothes that he had been among the patients in.
The second patient was brought in on the 6th March in the evening. The disease had broken out on him for five days before he was brought in. The doctor attended him the next morning, and continued to afterwards without changing his clothes. Several times after being in among the two patients he took the caretaker downtown with him on the gurney.
It should be mentioned that every time he visited the hospital he came into the guardhouse, both before and after being in attending to the patients, which certainly entailed a great risk on the guards”x
Later, a “citizen” reported that Campbell was merely a disgrunted former employee at the hospital and wondered why some newspapers had run with the story “without any attempt to ascertain” the facts. Campbell had indeed resigned; his complaint was that he was being paid 50 cents a day less than other guards who did not face his daily hazard of mixing with the patients: a claim he took as far as court. He lost that case, but was still pursuing his claim at the end of the month. In June, he wrote a detailed letter of complaint to the newspaper. His claims were denied in a letter from “A Citizen”, which prompted an even more detailed letter from Campbell. However, by September, Council had dismissed his claim and he asked for his letters to be returned.xi
In May 1893, Dr. Thomas reported to City Council that “all smallpox cases cured” and presented his bill for $157 along with Nurse Hansel’s bill of $375. Meanwhile, J. Keith had been appointed the new caretaker of the hospital site at $50 a month, and the Health Board recognized that “certain repairs were needed at the IH.”xii
We can assume, I believe, from the lack of reports that there were few or no patients in the Isolation Hospital for most of the rest of the year. But in December, because the General Hospital was full, a party of four Singhalese returning from the Chicago World’s Fair via Vancouver were believed to have chicken pox and were consigned to the unused rooms in the administrative wing of the IH. It provided a useful overflow ward. These were mentioned in Dr. Thomas’s annual report for January 1894, along with the difficulties caused by “the overflow of the cesspool and leakage of the sewer. A proper and efficient system of sewage disposal is urgently needed,” he wrote. As a reminder that the Isolation Hospital was still at this time far from the populated sections of Vancouver, Dr. Thomas also regretted the state of the “roads” near the hospital which made every journey to and from the institution one of “extreme difficuty and discomfort.”xiii
One immediate result from Thomas’s report was approval for the engineers to put in dry earth closets at the hospital. But the City was having financial difficulties and Council met secretly to cut the civic budget drastically. One of the proposals was to stop paying the caretaker of the IH his $50 a month salary. That doesn’t seem to have happened because Keith was re-appointed in March.xiv
The budget estimates for the Isolation Hospital submitted in April 1895 showed a total of only $495, of which $420 was for the “isolation officer.” Clearly the IH was operating only at a stand-by level. But it was fortunate it existed because that June a case of typhus fever was sent to it for treatment. The victim was a man called Septimus Dale, a lodge member of the International Order of Foresters, who had been seen at General Hospital and eventually transferred to the IH where he died. A delegation of IOOF members complained to City Council about the treatment he had received. Their main complaint was over what they saw as drunkeness by the crew sent to bury the man. “But for the committee of Foresters who got wind of the affair and who were present at the grave, the coffin would have been allowed to fall out of the wagon.”xv
During the summer of 1897, Clarkson & Maine painted the Isolation Hospital for $73. And that seems to have been the only activity for the next couple of years. In May 1898, “a woman from Dora Reno’s house on Dupont Street” was removed to the IH. She was quickly followed by a 64-year old man called George Turk and two of his companions, all three of whom died from a virulent form of smallpox. There were nine smallpox cases altogether that summer and four died. The authorities believed that all the cases came from an Australian steamer that was in port at that time.xvi
However, there was some concern that Turk’s diagnosis was not made quickly enough and he was allowed to infect his friends, Dr. McGuigan said that it can be difficult to determine the exact disease, and that “to exhume and examine the body of Turk would be a risky undertaking.” McGuigan’s caution notwithstanding, Dr. J.A. Mills was charged with not informing the authorities about cases of smallpox in his care. Turk had arrived from Australia on April 23rd on the steamer Warrimoo. He fell sick on May 15th, and had visited the hospital on the 18th or 19th where Dr. Mills determined he had chicken-pox. Turk was dead by the 24th. His friend, William Rattaray, had received a death certificate stating heart failure as the cause of Turk’s death. However, Rattaray himself caught smallpox and was hospitalized on 2nd June. Two other close companions of Turk’s were admitted the day before. The hearing determined that Dr. Mills had performed his proper duties and the matter was ended.xvii
At the beginning of 1899, there was a call for an isolation ward to be built at City Hospital, and that the Isolation Hospital deal only with smallpox victims. Other infectious diseases were usually handled by quarantining the house in which the victim lived but this was proving less congenial in residential neighbourhoods and the City had recently been sued by a scarlet fever patient for damages connected to his quarantine.xviii
Board of Health estimates for 1899 included $420 for the IH caretaker, and $35 for expenses. However it was noted that “safer accommodation will have to be provided for the caretaker.” By the following year, the caretaker’s salary was still $420, and $50 was set aside for repairs, though no patients were listed as having attended. The major work seemed to be on the fence around the hospital, and clearing the balance of the block which had not yet been graded.xix
Later that year, regardless of the earlier talk of limiting the IH to smallpox patients, a three-year old with diphtheria was admitted, as were two children from Kamloops who were found to have scarlet fever. Besides these, there was little activity over the next few years. The 1901 estimates included just $200 for “isolation hospital expenses”, some of which went to paying $3 a trip for the ambulance. The following year, the ambulance tarrif for the Rose Brothers’ ambulance rose to $5 for each trip “subject to a condition that the city shall pay the money direct, and collect from patients who are able to pay, and returns to be made monthly.” The only change to the budget in 1902 was a decrease to just $100 for expenses.xx
That April there was a flurry of cases with “quite a bunch of patients present” at the isolation hospital that month. As the Vancouver Daily World reported it:
“At first, when J. Blenkinson was removed from Georgia Street, it was believed he was the only one affected, though the family was put away in a separate section of the IH as a matter of precaution. Now three of the family have developed the disease and the prospect of a speedy release has given a hoist into the glimmering gloom.”
However, by the middle of May, the medical health officer, Dr. McAlpine could declare that the last case in the IH had been released, and Vancouver had not one patient afflicted with a dangerous contagious or infectious disease. He compared Vancouver’s situation very favourably with the smallpox epidemic just across the border in the US, and the “plague in the Atlantic ports.”xxi
One month later, a burglar tried to break into the Isolation Hospital.
“But he reckoned without Miss Miller. That capable and efficient nurse had just attended to the wants of a patient and in turning around saw a man on the window sill endeavouring to force the widow open. Instead of screaming, Miss Miller rushed over to the coal scuttle in the corner of the room, picking up a large piece of coal and threw it at the intruder. The glass in the window broke with a crash and the would-be violator of isolation disappeared in an instant. Miss Miller then opened the window and looked out but could see no trace of the man.”xxii
The patients that nurse Miller was treating at the time of the burglary almost certainly were a group of Siwash people who had been taken to the IH by Dr. MacAlpine, city medical health officer, who claimed sole control over their well-being while not allowing Dr. Brydone-Jack, Federal doctor to the “Indians” to intervene. Brydone-Jack in return wrote to the city advising them that the Feds would pay nothing for the housing or care of the Indians as the city had assumed responsibility. The City quickly caved, turning the Indians back over to Brydone-Jack’s care.
On 13th August, Dr. Brydone-Jack advised the city “that the IH was cleared of all Siwash patients on Aug 13, and the Dominion government has no further use for the building.” He insisted there be a statement of charges and, of course, Dr. MacAlpine “decidedly” objected to Dr. Brydone-Jack having the fixing of his fees. That notwithstanding, in early September, the Inspector reported that the Feds owed $81.35 for “general wear and tear and damage to the premises. This does not include rental for the premises if the council sees fit to charge it.” Council ordered the billing sent to Ottawa in the beginning of October. Dr. Brydone-Jack used his influence to stop payment on the accounts. Eventually, the mayor and city clerk were reduced to writing to the Feds asking them to intervene and get their tradesmen paid.xxiii
During the following year, 1903, Mrs. Slater, a 35-year old woman from Blaine, Wa. – where an outbreak of smallpox was reported – entered the city by rail from the south. She was discovered and sent to the Isolation Hospital for a 14 day waiting period. But little else seems to have taken place there. The estimates for 1903 were set at $100 for salaries, and $600 for undefined purposes. There was, it seems, no full time caretaker any longer as the health inspector was looking for someone to fill the job that summer.xxiv
An indication of how the Hospital was run is suggested by the two Japanese men who, having been released from the IH, put in a bill for $40 for their service as cooks:
“Health Inspector Marrion said the men had been liberally supplied with provisions on the understanding that they should cook for themselves. The Japanese were informed accordingly that no allowance would be made.”xxv
During 1904, the Isolation Hospital, for so long out in the wilderness, had to cope with the encroachments of a rapidly-growing city. In the early part of the year, City Council “decided to lay a sidewalk on Hastings Street, east of Victoria drive as far as the Isolation Hospital.” As that work progressed, BCER complained that city workers blowing up stumps as they prepared the sidewalk were damaging the company’s telephone lines and poles. Finally, after so many years, a two inch water pipe was laid to the Hospital as a matter of urgency even though the Water Committee had run out of money. Dr, Underhill, the medical officr of health told the Health Committee that the IH needed a lot more than “a dusting.” There had to be major improvements including a new bathroom and a disinfecting room together with the running water, hot and cold. These were all in place by the end of the year.xxvi
But new fixtures and fittings could not hold back the tide of modern houses flooding across the Grandview hills. The Isolation Hospital was no longer so remote and, as early as 1904 the Health Committee had declared it to be “absurdly limited in its accommodation,” being able to handle just one type of infectious disease at a time. In January 1905 the Vancouver Daily World had already editorialized on the need for “a different site” and a more “modern and rational building.” Dr. Underhill, pushing for a revamp of services throughout Vancouver, suggested that “the present Isolation Hospital buildings could be arranged to provide rooms for scarlet fever and diphtheria and also for a ‘suspect’ hospital.” He was fighting a lost cause.
Change in building density in central Grandview 1905-1910. The red box is roughly where the Isolation Hospital stood
At a Council meeting in June 1905, the arguments for a new isolation hospital were laid out with passion. There was some discussion about raising $30,000 for the purpose and it was suggested that the Hospital Board rather than the City should be responsible for all Vancouver’s medical aid including infectious diseases. Ald. Halse argued that the Hospital Board had no funds and that this provision would stymie the whole project. In the meantime, there was a case of diphtheria in the City. But the cottage hospital isolation unit was full of scarlet fever cases and the Isolation Hospital was being held in reserve as there was an epidemic of smallpox south of the border. The diphtheria man had to be treated in a rented shack.xxvii
It took a while for the idea to catch hold, but by the summer of 1906, it was generally agreed that a new site had to be found for the Isolation Hospital. In June 1907, a petition signed by 137 ratepayers asking for the removal of the hospital was forwarded by City Council to the Health Committee. A day or so later, William Miller, a Grandview baron if ever there was one, wrote a letter which was printed in the Province proposing that the site be turned into a pleasure garden. In the letter, he exposed what he considered ill-treatment of the eastside:
“[I]t would be well to point out the manner in which the city has been pauperized in the past for breathing spaces, playgrounds, squares, gardens, etc., to promote the health and pleasure of the people, and what better opportunity than the present is there likely to be of securing at least one by turning the present site of the IH into landscape gardens and a miniature park?”
That same month, the Vancouver Daily World came out in support of more parks and for a new hospital. This position was “highly appreciated and endorsed” at a meeting of the Grandview Progress Association.xxviii
During the summer of 1906, the idea had been proposed, most especially by Ald. Williams, that a new Isolation Hospital be built somewhere along the Seymour Narrows. But nothing had moved forward and a mass meeting of eastside residents in March 1907 expressed outrage at their “discovery” they had purchased property so close to a pest-house. The Vancouver Daily World reported:
“Last evening a great many of the east end property owners who gathered in the assembly room underneath All Saints Church to attend the regular fortnightly meeting of the East End Municipal Association learned for the first time that there was [a smallpox hospital] in their immediate neighbourhood, and when they were informed that they were actually sitting within two hundred yards of it, that is was unconnected with a sewerage system, but that its drainage was carried off by a stream which runs past their homes to Cedar Cove, and that two churches, a public school and innumerable residences had sprung up all around the building, they express some pretty strong sentiments in favour of its removal.
“Ald. Cavanagh who was present said that they might agitate but the other wards were indifferent and it would be very difficult to get the council to act. It would be argued the people who had bought land had bought it cheap because of the proximity of the smallpox hospital and they must stand for it. He did not agree with this reasoning, but it would be advanced and it must be met …
“Speaker after speaker stated that he had paid a good stiff price for his property and that until that very evening he had had no idea he was buying and building so close to a pest-house.”
A resolution demanding the Isolation Hospital be moved outside city limits was passed unanimously.xxix
Another year went by without a resolution. By the winter of 1907/08, the three new isolation wards at the General Hospital designed for 22 patients each were already full to over-flowing. They saw 190 contagious cases between opening in May 1907 and the following February. The 1907 civic estimates allowed for $2,950 for operating expenses at the new wing. But the old IH stayed in place. In February 1908, the Grandview Progress Association sent another letter of complaint to City Council, but nothing was done. By that summer it was time for another mass meeting of local residents. This time it was the Grandview Ratepayers but the “bitter feelings” were the same as before. They described themselves as being
“compelled to hem around the smallpox hospital or pest-house. It was said to be ridiculous to regard the institution as an isolation hospital, for it was practically adjoined by houses, and the supervision of the place was quite lax. There was no resident medical officer, dogs were kept and allowed to roam outside and the caretaker also moved around. Baseball was played inside, and when the ball got knocked over the fence, which was not high enough, passers-by were requested to throw it back. The sanitary conditions were also declared to be unworthy such an institution and on one occasion it was stated it was necessary to put chloride of lime on the public thoroughfare. Another charge was that patients had assisted with the fixing of some sanitary box arrangement near the sidewalk.”
A petition was signed and sent to Council.xxx
But it wasn’t all complaints. That same summer, a recent inmate wrote a letter to the press extolling the virtues of the Isolation Hospital and its managers.
“First, regarding he general management. No reasonable man has room to find fault, but on the other hand unless blinded by prejudice, will find abundant reason to feel grateful and approve in the most unqualified manner. The building is kept scrupulously disinfected, as to render the spread of disease practically impossible … Dr. Underhill is highly competent and has proved himself a specialist in the successful treatment of that form of disease … And as for the nurse, Mr. North, he is indispensible … the embodiment of kindness.”xxxi
In December 1908, City Council approved $70,000 for the building of a new Isolation Hospital. Ald. McGuigan wanted to sell the old site but most of the other aldermen wanted to retain it for park use, which is what the local resident had been asking for. Now all that needed to be done was to agree a new site, and build a new hospital. The old Isolation Hospital had to stay until that was done, and it was a slow business. It would double the size of this essay and move the focus away from Grandview if I were to write a detailed narrative of the incompetences and financial shenanigans that went on before that could be achieved. But I will attempt a brief summary.xxxii
You may recall that back in 1906, Alderman Williams had suggested that a site be found on Seymour Inlet, and from this original idea sprang a project in 1910 to build a secure IH on Naval Reserve land on the North Shore opposite Barnet. The Mayor and the Vancouver Daily World were much in favour of this move. The land was secured and money spent on building a wharf and a boat, but controversy over the difficulties of transporting patients so far across the water arose almost immediately. Mayor Taylor did everything he could to delay the inevitable but, finally, the project was abandoned and another site in east Hastings was chosen. On this occasion, the primary issue was whether the lots purchased did or did not financially benefit certain aldermen and their friends. The $60,000 facility finally opened in August 1912.xxxiii
Commissioner Kirkpatrick of the Vancouver City Police suggested using the old site as a police sub-station. A committee went to look but nothing seems to have come of it. In 1911, the Parks Board wrote to City Council asking for control of the old site. They had done the same the previous year without hearing any response but this time the request spurred a re-newed discussion about whether the block should be sold to raise revenues. Ald. Stevens moved that the lot be sold for the $22,203 available in a previous parks by-law and that the money be used to help pay for the new facility. After debate, he withdrew the motion. In March 1912, it was suggested that a convalescent home could be built in one corner of the old site for the King’s Daughters Society. It was not approved. Meanwhile, McGill College apparently had been leasing part of the old site for they were told to leave when their lease expired in May 1912.xxxiv
In December that year, the old hospital buildings were burned for sanitary reasons, and the block finally was available to become a park.xxxv
i Burning of shack: Vancouver Daily World (hereinafter World) 1892 Jun 23, p.4. Deadman’s Island decision: Jun 27, p.3
ii Mrs. J.Z. Hall interview in Matthews Vol 1, p.84—5
iii World 1892 May 23, p.4; Jun 14, p.4; 15, p.4. In July, Clark wrote to Council “asking fuller advice as to what lands owned by me in the East End is wanted by the City.” But nothing came of it: World 1892 Jul 12, p.1
iv World 1892 Jun 27, p.4; 28, p.4; July 9, p.4; 12, p.1; 1893 Jan 5, p.5; Weekly News Advertiser 1892 Jul 6, p.8. Note that Vernon almost immediately caught the disease and was seriously ill.
v “hurriedly”: World 1892 Jul 9, p.4; Dec 31, p.7. Anderson’s account and McGuigan quote is in World 1893 Jan 5, p.5, 8.
vi Vancouver City Council Minutes 1892 Aug 8, CVA Series 23-A Volume 5 pages 104-113; World 1892 July 26, p.8; Aug 9, p.3; 10, p.2; Daily News Advertizer (hereinafter DNA) 1892 Aug 30, p. 3
vii Govt. ads: World 1892 July 12, p.2, 4; 13, p.7; 14, p.7. Council request: Aug 16, p.3
viii Council meeting in Vancouver Weekly World 1892 Oct 6, p.5. Two patients: DNA 1892 Oct 30, p.8; World 1892 Nov 19, p.8; 22, p.1; Dec 5, p.1.
ix Water pipe: World 1892, Nov 3, p.8. Telephone: This was “especially necessary because in case of any alarming change in a patient’s condition, the nurse at present has no way of communicating with the doctor.” World 1893 Mar 15, p.8. Caretaker: Nov 18, p.4. Note that by the following February, Kelley was told his services would no longer be required. Dr. Thomas: Mar 7, p.4
x World 1893 Apr 19, p.5. The two patients in Campbell’s story are probably the same mentioned in March. One was described as “convalescent” and the other’s “recovery is hardly possible.” World 1893 Mar 13, p.8
xi World 1893 Apr 25, p.6; May 5, p.1; 6, p.8; 23, p.2, 8; Jun 5, p.8; 7, p.3; 30, p.2; Sep 5, p.3; DNA Apr 23. p.8
xii World 1893 Mar 23, p.8; Apr 5 p.3; May 9, p.3
xiii World 1893 Dec 12, p.3, 8; 18, p.8; 1894 Jan 13, p.4
xiv World 1894 Feb 1, p.4; 14, p.4; Mar 12, p.8
xv World 1895 Apr 30, p.6; Jun 18, p.3; Jul 3, p.3; 4, p.6; 9, p.3. Stand-by mode is apparent from Dr.Thomas’s annual report that year: World 1895 Dec 19, p.5
xvi Painting: World 1897 Jul 8, p.5; 27, p.3; Aug 3, p.4. Cases: 1898 Jul 26, p.6,
xvii World 1898 Jul 26, p.6; Aug 16, p.5; 17, p.8; DNA Aug 23, p.2
xviii World 1899 Jan 16, p.3; 31, p.8
xix World 1899 Feb 18, p.4; 25, p.7; 1900 Mar 16, p.6; Apr 5, p.6
xx World 1900 Sep 22, p.1; Nov 14, p.8; 1901 Mar 21, p.8; 29, p.2; 1902 Feb 6, p.2; Apr 15, p.5
xxi World 1902 Apr 21, p.5; May 13, p.3
xxii World 1902 Jun 16, p.4
xxiii This sorry saga can be tracked in World 1902 Ju1y 25, p.1; 29, p.2; 30, p.8; Aug 18, p.5; Aug 21, p.8; Sep 4, p.8; Oct 4, p.4; 13, p.4
xxiv World 1903 Feb 26, p.3; Mar 23, p.1; May 21, p.2
xxv World 1904 Jun 16, p.11
xxvi DNA 1904 March 25, p.5; May 3, p.3; World Jun 16, p.1; Aug 4, p.4; 11, p.3; 1905 Jan 5, p.6.
xxvii World 1905 Nov 15, p.1
xxviii The discussions about finding a new site were covered extensively in the press: World 1904 Aug 16, p.5; 1905 Jan 5, p.6; Feb 16, p.3; Jun 6, p.4; 13, p.5; 19, p.10; 1906 Jul 14, p.1; 1906 Jun 28, p.5; 1907 Jun 10, p.23; Province 1905 Jun 6, p.1; 9, p.1, 4; 13, p.2; 1906 Jun 28, p.13; 1907 Jun 11, p.10; 13, p.19. DNA 1905 Jun 6, p.2; 9, p.2; 10, p.1; GPA: 19 June 1907, 1908 Feb 11 Grandview Progress Association Minutes, CVA, AM 190, Odlum Fonds, Box 513-D-10, folder 2 (hereafter called GPA Minutes).
xxix World 1907 Mar 2, p.1
xxx The decision to build these wards, the build, and associated costs are discussed in Province 1905 Jun 6, p.1; 22, p.4; 27, p.12; Jul 14, p.14; 20, p.2; World 1906 Apr 6, p.4; 1906 Jul 7, p.16; 19, p.16; 20, p.3; 1907 May 16, p.2; DNA 1905 Jun 28, p.1; Jul 14, p.5; 1908 Feb 13, p. 4; Weekly News Advertizer 1905 Jul 4, p.4 Estimates: World 1907 Mar 23, p.14. GPA: GPA Minutes, 1908 Feb 11; Ratepayers: World 1908 Jul 16, p.3
xxxi Letter from “J.H.C.” in World 1908 Jun 20, p.6
xxxii DNA 1908 Dec 2, p.10; World p.2; 9, p.9
xxxiii The Naval Reserve and East Hastings projects were well covered by the press during 1910-1912. There was talk about amalgamating with South Vancouver at this time, and the need for a more central IH for this potentially larger city helped weigh against a North Shore site. For opening and images see Province 1912 Aug 24, p.24
xxxiv Province 1911 Apr 6, p.3; 8, p.33; 13, p.23; 25, p.7; May 7, p.7; 1912 Mar 23, p.35; May 24, p.22; World 1911 May 9, p.2; DNA 1911 May 9, p.10; 1912 Apr 76, p.19; Sun 1912 Apr 5, p.9.
xxxv World 1912 Dec 13, p.16